Academic theses and dissertations are regularly published and widely disseminated in YUOE Journal, Monographs, Universities Research Journal (URJ), Myanmar Academy of Arts and Science (MAAS) Journal, AsTEN Research Journal and International online Journals for sharing knowledge and contributing to the development of our education.

No. Researcher Title Abstract Year
491 Tin Tin Mar ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN MYANMAR AND THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA AFTER 2011 After 2011, Myanmar has undertaken a series of political, economic and administrative reforms. Regarding economic reform, Myanmar initiated policy reforms of anti-corruption laws, currency exchange rates, foreign investment laws and taxation. Myanmar’s reform offer good opportunities for the country’s economic development through friendly relations with neighboring countries including the Republic of Korea (ROK). Economic cooperation between Myanmar and ROK has increased gradually since 2011. The question raise by the paper is “what extent Myanmar’s reform since 2011 has contributed to the improving state-level relationship between Myanmar and ROK, how it effects on economic cooperation?”The purpose of the paper is to emphasize on how economic cooperation between Myanmar and ROK contribute to Myanmar’s transition. The paper includes three main points. First section illustrates the new arrangements of Myanmar’s economic reform. Second section highlights on economic cooperation between Myanmar and the ROK. The last section points out the increasing factors of economic cooperation between Myanmar and the ROK. 2019
492 Yin Yin Kyi MYANMAR-INDIA TRADE AFTER 2011 Myanmar is undergoing a period of remarkable, political, economic and social change since 2011. There has been tremendous change under the government of U Thein Sein (2011-2015). At that time, Myanmar- India bilateral relations appear to be more affected by political and strategic considerations rather than economic ones. India’s engagement with Myanmar is based on 1991 initiated “Look East” policy because Myanmar is an economic opportunity and geostrategic buffer for India. Therefore, Myanmar-India bilateral trade is not only in economic sphere but also in the development of regional cooperation. In this context, this research tries to analyze what are the changing patterns of Myanmar- India trade. Besides, it also attempts to examine why Myanmar- India trade is lagging behind Myanmar-China and Myanmar-Thailand trades. 2019
493 Mi Win Htwe CHINA’S POLICY TOWARDS MYANMAR AFTER 2011 This paper argues that Myanmar is in the key factor of Chinese strategic goals. Although Myanmar endeavored to reintegrate itself into the international community or its rapprochement with the United States, China has tried to pursue its foreign policy to Myanmar better than ever before in particular after 2011. On the other hand, it can be said that China for its national interests, continues to make an effort to pursue the appropriate diplomacy towards Myanmar. Therefore, in order to forecast the future prospect of Sino-Myanmar relations, it needs to study Chinese strategic goals towards Myanmar and how Myanmar responses to its policy. Moreover, the influence on Sino-Myanmar relations exerted by other factors such as anti-China sentiment came from Myanmar’s people society will also be discussed. Finally, this paper will attempt to analyze the strategic interests of the rising China on Myanmar. 2019
494 Tin Tin Aye THE US RESPONSE TO POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MYANMAR The imposition of US economic and trade sanctions against Myanmar began in 1997 in response to control the democratic movement in Myanmar. In 2009, the Obama administration reassessed US national security and foreign policy holistically and practiced “principled engagement” with non-democratic countries to improve bilateral relations through diplomatic dialogue to advance human rights or other conditions. The US initially maintained status quo on sanctions while trying to engage the Myanmar government under this framework. Since 2010, elections led to a peaceful transition from the military government to the new quasi-civilian government. The President of the U Thein Sein government initiated a series of political, economic and administrative reforms. The reform process resulted in a substantial opening of the long-isolated country. In May 2012, the US has begun easing certain sanctions in response to the historic reforms in Myanmar. The majority of financial, investment, and trade restrictions were removed between 2012 and 2013. In July 2012, the US issued general licenses to permit the first new US investment in Myanmar and to broadly authorize the exportation of financial services to Myanmar. The intention of this policy change was to support ongoing reform efforts by the Myanmar government. In historic elections in November 2015, the NLD won a majority of the total seats in the national parliament and in most state and regional parliaments. This research attempts to explore why the US did impose the sanctions on Myanmar. It also analyzes why the US did ease the sanctions to Myanmar after 2010. Then it also examines how far reform process facilitates on the Myanmar-US relations. 2019
495 Myint Zu Win THE ROLE OF MILITARY IN MYANMAR’S PEACE PROCESS SINCE 2011 Since the new government came to power on March 30, 2011, U Thein Sein led-government’s peace process has become a pivotal element of political reform in the country’s new political era. Like USDP-led government, NLD-led government has also prioritized national reconciliation and peace process as a part of the road map for democratic federal union. Although the USDP-led government and the NLD-led government have been pushing for the peaceful resolution of the internal armed conflicts, domestic armed conflict remains difficult issues in Myanmar’s peace process. The persistent domestic armed conflict between the EAOs and Tatmadaw is also posing a prominent challenge to the government’s credibility. The Tatmadaw has remained the most politically influential actor in Myanmar politics with a significant share of seats in parliament. As a result of the continuation of fighting in internal armed conflict, the Tatmadaw plays a decisive role in the peace process. Therefore, in order to achieve lasting and sustainable peace, there are important not only government’s peacemaking efforts but also the Tatmadaw’s cooperation necessary require. Upon both the USDP-led government and the NLD-led government situation, the research question focuses on how the governments attempt to succeed peace process and how the Tatmadaw influence Myanmar politics and its effects on peace process. 2019
496 Lwin Cho Latt NEGOTIATIONS ON FEDERALISM IN MYANMAR’S PEACE PROCESS SINCE 2011 This study examines the struggle for federalism among the key stakeholders in peace and political negotiations in Myanmar since 2011. Conflict over power-sharing arrangements has resulted in a long-running civil war. After the 2011 political reforms, federalism has reemerged in peace talks under and beyond the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) regime. However, a narrow sense of both unitarianism and centralism continue to present obstacles to the realisation of a federal system in Myanmar. This paper raises two main research questions: i) How have the major players (especially the government, the Tatmadaw, and the ethnic armed organizations-EAOs) discussed a future federal state? and ii) What are the key opportunities and challenges in national dialogues on federalization?. We argue that ethnic armed conflicts will continue so long as the federal issue remains constitutionally unresolved. We hypothesize that only a genuine level of politico-socio-economic autonomy will allow the conflicting parties to pursue a genuine federalism in the country. This paper employs a qualitative analysis, relying on documentary proposals authored by some EAOs as well as personal interviews with EAOs and political parties, military officers and government authorities. This study concludes with recommendations on how ethnic minority groups can best deal with the ruling government to promote federal constructional reforms during the peace negotiations. 2019
497 Kyi Mar EU-MYANMAR RELATIONS: BUILDING A LASTING PARTNERSHIP FOR DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION The democratic transition in Myanmar took a turning point in EU-Myanmar relations in 2011. By recognizing Myanmar’s remarkable transition, the EU rapidly re-engaged with Myanmar and provided significant support to encourage reforms. In April 2013, the EU lifted all sanctions on Myanmar with the exception of an arms embargo. In September 2013, the EU also had a full-fledged Delegation in Yangon demonstrating the expansion and importance of bilateral relations. Then, the EU-Myanmar Task Force was launched as part of a lasting partnership between the EU and Myanmar. It is also meant to provide comprehensive support to the transition in Myanmar by bringing together all tools and mechanisms available to the EU. So, the EU has taken a leading role in responding to the political changes in Myanmar through a comprehensive approach. Furthermore, within the first 100 days of the new democratic government, the early adoption of the Joint Communication sent a strong signal of the EU’s continued firm commitment to Myanmar. This is why the EU continues its prominent role in supporting Myanmar’s democratic transition. In development cooperation, Myanmar is also benefitting from the second largest bilateral development cooperation envelop in Asia after Afghanistan with an indicative allocation of €688 million under the Multi-annual Indicative Programme 2014-2020. So, the EU also plays a prominent role in supporting Myanmar’s development. 2019
498 Thi Thi Lwin JAPAN’S OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE FOR MYANMAR IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD Japanese aid assistance to Myanmar began since 1955 in the form of reparations. In the wake of Myanmar’s transition to democracy, Japan was responded more enthusiastically to Myanmar’s political transition and has forgiven unprecedentedly his percentage of Myanmar’s debt and allocated new large-scale official development assistance (ODA). Japan’s assistance is quite frequently provided in links with the economic sector to support economic development and stabilization which will lead to the country towards democratization in the long run. However, some ethnic minorities such as Karens and Mons are eager to have genuine federal autonomy and open political institutions. They argued that economic development can be accompanied by political development. In my paper, I intend to reveal the helpful role of Japanese aid assistance for Myanmar’s economic and political development in the transition period. I will be looking at Japanese ambitions for Myanmar’s development. I also intend to explore the reasons why some ethnic minorities in Myanmar are more enthusiastic in order to achieve political development than economic development. So, my paper highlights the eagerness of some ethnic minorities for political development although Japanese development assistance is helpful for Myanmar’s development at the time of Myanmar’s needs. 2019
499 Thida Myint MICROFINANCE FOR SMES IN MYANMAR SMEs dominate most of Myanmar’s economic sectors, accounting for 90 percent of the industrial sector and 99 percent of the manufacturing sector. Myanmar has to develop its Small and Medium enterprises (SMEs) sector in order to become competitive with neighboring countries. But SMEs in Myanmar encounter the poor infrastructure, limited market access, outdated technology, low skill and productivity levels and a lack of business development services including inadequate access to finance. SMEs in Myanmar are hindered from reaching their full potential and bringing the widespread benefits of socioeconomic development to its people. Myanmar has gradually begun to open up its markets since Myanmar adopted the market economy. The development of SMEs is an effective mechanism in achieving socioeconomic growth. The country has gone through dramatic changes since 1990. Myanmar has opened its doors for foreign investment across sectors. Therefore the financial sector can fulfill to thrive for SMEs. Microfinance in Myanmar was introduced in 1997 as a separate project under UNDP’s Human Development Initiative (HDI) in eleven townships. The main objective of the project has been to progressively develop locally managed self-sustaining microfinance operations to serve the needs of poor households. The UNDP microfinance project in Myanmar is servicing more than 440,000 clients, of whom ninety seven percent are women. The programme is one of the largest and most successful in the world and ranked 20th among all microfinance programmes worldwide. The micro-lending operations have a huge impact on the poor, benefiting particularly women who enter into business of their own and are having income of their own. . This study examines opportunities available for SMEs to obtain funding for sustainable development for SMEs. The study also identifies current challenges that restrain access to finance for SMEs in Myanmar. 2019
500 Soe Mya Thi MIGRATION ISSUES BETWEEN MYANMAR AND THAILAND SINCE 1988 Cross border migration issue between Myanmar and Thailand has occurred for centuries. Myanmar migrants have crossed the border to work in Thailand and it consists of irregular unskilled workers in various labour intensive industries, agriculture, trading and services. The outflow of Myanmar migrant has rapidly increased after 1988 when the political unrest incident broke in Myanmar. Although Thailand did not set up any policy to manage migrant from its neighbor, in 2012 Thailand had launched a long-term policy in the case of migrants and legalize migrant workers. On the other hand, political and economic reform in Myanmar since 2011 has brought changes to the development of the country. In order to invite experienced, semi- skilled and skilled Myanmar migrants working in Thailand for development in Myanmar, an appealing policy in Myanmar is needed. Under such background, this research will find out how has Myanmar cooperated with Thailand in migration concern and what are the pushing and pulling factors of migration between Myanmar and Thailand. 2019